p39.2

9800€ de 25000€

9800€ de 25000€

Fins aviat

ElTribú

| 31 gen., 2022

Fins aviat

31 gen., 2022 |

Benvolguts tribuneros,

 

Ara fa un any, el 4 de febrer del 2021, que vam començar a publicar El Tribú.

 

Durant aquest any, i gràcies al suport dels nostres mecenes i subscriptors, hem publicat centenars d’articles, entrevistes, tribunals, tribulacions i seccions com El Locutori i Sense un gra de sal.

 

Com vam explicar des del principi, El Tribú no compta amb més finançament que el dels seus mecenes, els seus subscriptors i el seu fundador i només ha pogut funcionar i créixer en la mesura en que ho ha fet el seu nombre de seguidors.

 

Ara que celebrem el nostre primer any, creiem que el diari necessita un replantejament i un nou impuls, tant des d’un punt de vista intel·lectual com empresarial. És per això hem considerat que el millor i més honest amb els lectors, i mentre seguim a la recerca de noves fonts de finançament i de noves col·laboracions que ens permetin publicar més i millor, és fer una pausa en les publicacions del diari i cancel·lar les subscripcions actives.

 

Esperem poder tornar el més aviat possible amb un projecte més sòlid i ambiciós.

 

Aprofitem l’ocasió per agrair a tots els nostres subscriptors, mecenes, col·laboradors i seguidors la seva confiança en el projecte i el seu suport durant tots aquests mesos. Esperem retrobar-vos a tots el més aviat possible amb un projecte digne de la vostra generositat.

 

Moltes gràcies a tots i fins aviat,

 

Ferran Caballero
Editor i fundador d’ElTribú.cat

 

Com sabeu, per qualsevol dubte o comentari ens podeu escriure al correu eltribu@eltribu.cat.

Sense un gra de sal #39 | Claudio

ElTribú

| 30 gen., 2022

Sense un gra de sal #39 | Claudio

30 gen., 2022 |

@clorgu

Since the pandemic, in Airbnb’s words, the laptop class can now “go anywhere, and work anywhere,” and attain “a sense of freedom that people never had before.” For the Zoom classes, Covid was paradoxically liberating.

 

 

The conscious policy of degrowth as a means of forcibly reducing greenhouse gas emissions will require getting most people out of their cars, and forcing them to travel far less and to live in tiny apartments. Enforcement will be necessarily intrusive as well.

 

 

The older authorities had proscribed acts that threatened the stability of the community; the rest they left to discretion. Doctors, on the other hand, sought to shore up the psychic stabihty of the individual and therefore omitted nothing from their gaze.

The establishment of medical and industrial jurisdiction over marriage thus defeated its own purpose, to strengthen the last bastion of privacy. Christopher Lasch, Haven in a Heartless World.

 

Winston Churchill, 30 de novembre de 1874 – 24 de gener de 1965:

The death of Churchill reminds us of the limitations of our craft, and therewith of our duty. We have no higher duty, and no more pressing duty, than to remind ourselves and our students, of political greatness, human greatness, of the peaks of human excellence. Leo Strauss

“A minority of one is usually put in an asylum, not accorded political rights”,

James Burnham

Al voltant de les elits: ells ja ho havien dit. James Burnham (i II)

 

The real question is not whether the people who wipe their boots on you during the next fifty years are to be called managers, bureaucrats, or politicians; the question is whether capitalism, now obviously doomed, is to give way to oligarchy or to true democracy.
George Orwell, Second Thoughts on James Burnham

 

There is no one force, no group, and no class that is the preserver of liberty. Liberty is preserved by those who are against the existing chief power.
TMach

 

Liberty means above all the existence of a public opposition to the governing élite.
TMach

 

It is not a question of being democratic, but of being effective. If democracy cannot be made reasonably effective, it might as well quit now.
TSW

 

Machiavelli is as ethical a political writer as Dante … If he is wrong, he is wrong because of a false theory of politics, not because of a false idea of man.
TMach

 

What tends to happen, therefore, when liberals become influential or dominant in the conduct of a nation’s affairs, is that the government tries … to shy away as much as possible and as long as possible from the use of force.
SW

 

Fraud, rather than violence, has become the more usual road to success and privilege. Naturally, therefore, those who are more adept at fraud than at force take kindly to humanitarian ideals.
TMach

 

Only out of the continuing clash ofopposing groups can liberty flow.
TMach

 

Let us say only: “Western civilization has been contracting”; and speak of “the contraction of the West.”
SW

 

… the way in which to study a nation, to understand it, to predict what will happen to it, requires first of all and primarily an analysis of the ruling class … Even if theory were to decide that ultimately the movements of the masses are the cause of what happens in history, yet these movements attain historical significance only when they alter major institutions and result in shifts in the character and composition of the ruling class
TMach

 

Democratic theory is compelled to try to adapt itself to the fact of leadership. This it does through the subsidiary theory of “representation.”… The truth is that sovereignty … cannot be delegated … because to be sovereign means to make one’s own decisions.
TMach

 

Liberalism tends toward a plebiscitary interpretation of democracy.
SW

 

Once granted the principle of representation, Bonapartism can be regarded as the logical culmination of democracy … If Bonapartism, in fact rather than in theory, denies democracy, it does so by bringing democracy to completion.
TMach

 

The leap from the concept of the limited state to that of the Welfare State is a wide one. In affective terms, it means a reversal of emotive priorities (…) It turns out that Germanic metaphysics cannot be dispensed with after all: the contradictories, statism and anti-statism, fuse into the synthesis of popular, democratic government.
SW

 

“Freedom from want” is very nearly as meaningless, in terms of real politics, as “eternal salvation”
TMach

 

It is physically and logically impossible for any person or group to be free from everything, to be so would mean not to exist.
TMR

 

As Machiavelli pointed out in his History of Florence, the poor, enduring oppressive conditions, were always ready to answer the call for a fight for freedom; but the net result of each revolt was merely to establish a new tyranny.
TMR

 

What communism does is to carry the liberal principles to their logical and practical extreme.
SW

 

… in what is written about history, society, and politics. In these fields we are, perhaps understandably, more anxious for salvation than for knowledge.
TMR

 

There is something rather ludicrous in the spectacle of well-paid ministers telling their congregations all about the great revolution in which they live, or a 75-year-old bank president explaining world revolution to an after-dinner audience.
TMach

 

Nor is there anything to forbid democratic leaders, if their own belief differs from that of many or even a great majority, from trying to convince even the great majority that it is wrong. This the demagogue never attempts. The demagogue is cynical, contemptuous of the masses—contemptuous above all because they follow him; and he flatters “their prejudices to betray their interests.”
TSW

 

All strong and long-lived societies have cherished their “traditions,” even when, as is usually the case, these traditions have little relation to fact, and even after they can hardly be believed literally by educated men This, after all, was the crime for which Athens put Socrates to death. From the point of view of survival, she was probably right in doing so.
TMach

 

Americans do, most of them, have a contempt for ideas; but that very contempt gives them a certain immunity to mental capture by an integral ideology of the totalitarian kind.
TSW

 

The plain, platitudinous, common-sense opinion is very often the true opinion, stripped down to essentials.
SW

 

The liberals … are morally disarmed before those whom the liberal regards as less well off than himself.
SW

 

The work of secular education and reform undertaken to appease the liberal’s guilt at the same time expresses and even irritates it. This must be, for there is no end, no terminal point, of the work of secular education and reform.
SW

 

In short, the leaders, if they themselves are scientific, must lie.
TMach

 

In motivating the theory and practice of free speech, liberalism must either abandon its belief in the superior social utility of truth, or maintain that we cannot be sure we know the truth … Our original commitment to truth … becomes a commitment to the rational and scientific process itself … truth thus becomes in practice relative to the method of inquiry … political and social truth is what is voted by a democratic majority.
SW

 

We who belong to Western Civilization have our vision distorted by a parochial blindness. We assume the identity of mankind as a whole with ourselves.
TSW

 

The nineteenth-century liberals overlooked, and the twentieth-century
liberals decline to face, the fact that teaching everyone to read opens minds to propaganda and indoctrination at least as much as to truths.
SW

 

Nearly all liberals invoke the name of Freedom the way a drill sergeant
invokes his favorite obscenity … what is really being talked about has little to do with individual freedom, but is basically a question of advancing the interests of an economic, racial or religious group.
SW

 

Liberal theory is atomistic and quantitative, and in particular rejects “organic” conceptions of society … The idea that I, today, am organically part of a “white race” that was doing something—anything at all—to American or African Negroes or Indonesian brown men or Hindus or Bantu is total nonsense from the point of view of liberalism’s philosophical conceptions.
SW

 

In both Britain and the United States, liberals began in 1962 to develop the doctrine that words which are “inherently offensive,” as far-Right but not communist words seem to be, do not come under the free speech mantle.
SW

 

A minority of one is usually put in an asylum, not accorded political rights.
TMR

 

What is called “public opinion” is a set of changing ideas and feelings that are incompatible with each other.
TSW

 

Modern liberalism does not offer ordinary men compelling motives for personal suffering, sacrifice and death. There is no tragic dimension in its picture of the good life. … Except for mercenaries, saints and neurotics, no one is willing to sacrifice and die for progressive education, medicare, humanity in the abstract, the United Nations and a ten percent rise in Social Security payments.
SW

 

Those years of wars and revolutions, death camps and propaganda machines, the collapse of old orders and the wanderings of the peoples, belong most recognizably to the same age that is still “ours” in 1963.
TMach

 

There would have to be reasserted the pre-liberal conviction that Western civilization, thus Western man, is both different from and superior in quality to other civilizations and non-civilizations, from whatever source that difference and superiority are derived or acquired.
SW

 

When General Patton slowed up in his de-Nazification of the Third Army’s zone in Germany, he explained that after all the difference between Nazis and anti-Nazis was pretty much like that between Democrats and Republicans at home. He was relieved of his command; but his error was no greater than that of Roosevelt or Hull or Stettinius or Byrnes or Acheson or Wallace when, all over the world, they accepted without protest the inclusion of the communists among the “democratic parties” that should be permitted to function with full freedom in liberated or conquered nations, and when they welcomed communists into reconstituted governments.
TSW

 

 

TMR: The Managerial Revolution, 1941
TMach: The Machiavellians, 1943
SW: The Struggle for the World, 1947
SW: Suicide of the West, 1964

Russia: pizza, interessos i força | Marc Arza

ElTribú

| 27 gen., 2022

Russia: pizza, interessos i força | Marc Arza

27 gen., 2022 |

Marc Arza | @marcarza

Tim Marshall és un periodista britànic especialitzat en política internacional que l’any 2015 va publicar un llibre que l’actualitat obliga a rellegir. Prisoners of Geography, així es titulava, explica a través de 10 mapes com la geografia condiciona la política. Un dels més interessants i reveladors és el dedicat a Rússia. Un mapa físic d’Europa ajuda a entendre la crisi que avui viu Ucraïna millor que cap diari carregat d’informació recent.

 

El nord d’Europa és una gran plana que des de Bèlgica creix per ocupar tot l’est del continent. Una plana en forma de triangle que es va obrint des del vèrtex, entre Brussel·les i Amsterdam, a través d’Alemanya, Polònia i Ucraïna. Com un tall de pizza amb la crosta als Urals i Moscou al mig. A Polònia i fins a la frontera oest d’Ucraïna la franja de territori entre les muntanyes i el mar té uns centenars de kilòmetres, un exèrcit podria defensar-la, diuen els estrategs. Però la plana continua creixent i a la frontera entre Ucraïna i Rússia és ja tan àmplia que no serveix com a línia de defensa. El camí fins a Moscou és lliure.

Rússia viu des de fa segles amb l’angoixa de tenir una frontera europea impossible de defensar.

Marshall explica que Rússia viu des de fa segles amb l’angoixa de tenir una frontera europea impossible de defensar. L’angoixa no és cap paranoia. Des de la invasió napoleònica, comptant els conflictes amb Polònia, les guerres de Crimea i les dues guerres mundials, els russos han patit prou conflictes bèl·lics en terra europea per saber que l’angoixa té bases sòlides. Pel Kremlin, una Ucraïna aliada d’Occident i en complicitat amb l’OTAN és una amenaça intolerable. Fa trenta anys, només trenta anys, els soldats russos i els seus aliats ocupaven pràcticament tota la plana, la pizza. El Kremlin controlava Berlín, a mil vuit-cents kilòmetres de Moscou, però avui ni tan sols domina Kíev, a només a vuit-cents. Putin no vol recular més.

 

La darrera crisi ucraïnesa, l’any 2014, ja es va tancar seguint una profunda lògica geogràfica. Si la frontera terrestre és la primera angoixa russa, la sortida al mar seria la segona. El país més gran del planeta té molt mal resoltes les connexions amb els grans oceans. Gairebé tots els seus ports se situen en zones on la mar es glaça durant els mesos d’hivern o són petits i difícils. La base naval de Crimea és el punt des d’on l’armada russa surt al món, passant per l’embut del Bòsfor, i Russia no podia córrer el risc de perdre’n el control. Crimea era un casus belli, literalment.

 

Geografia i política. La mirada geopolítica a un conflicte com el que avui es cou a Ucraïna té la virtut de mostrar unes tensions polítiques de fons que funcionen com a constants des de fa segles. Els escrits sobre Rússia de Bismarck o Churchill són aquests dies tan vàlids i clars com l’editorial de qualsevol diari amb corresponsals sobre el terreny. Unes constants geogràfiques, demogràfiques, econòmiques i històriques que també són presents, però força menys evidents, en tensions polítiques més properes i nostrades. Prendre distància, històrica i geogràfica, és, de vegades, més fàcil en un conflicte llunyà, però convindria fer-ho per apamar millor el terreny de joc i veure venir jugades que ja han passat més d’un cop i més de cent. La història rima i la geografia hi posa bona part de la mètrica.

Cartografia d’un pogrom | Marcel Gascón Barberà

ElTribú

| 25 gen., 2022

Cartografia d’un pogrom | Marcel Gascón Barberà

25 gen., 2022 |

Gener és un temps de records tristos per als jueus de Bucarest. Ara fa 81 anys, el 21 de gener del 1941, el moviment ultranacionalista i antisemita conegut com a Guàrdia de Ferro es va rebel·lar contra el dictador romanès aliat dels nazis Ion Antonescu. Després de tres mesos governant junts, la coalició entre Antonescu i els legionaris, com s’anomenava als militants de la Guàrdia de Ferro, havia fet aigües. Antonescu els estava fent fora del govern i els legionaris van voler arrebatar-li el poder amb un desplegament massiu dels seus mètodes habituals: l’assassinat i la violència.

 

Durant els tres dies que Antonescu va tardar a sofocar la revolta, aquesta banda de criminals polítics van atacar l’exèrcit, la policia i nombroses institucions públiques arreu del país. Però el preu més alt el van pagar els jueus de Bucarest. Mentre lluitaven per la seua supervivència política, els legionaris van aprofitar el caos per devastar i cremar sinagogues i comerços jueus. Comandos de camises verdes -el color de la Guàrdia de Ferro- treien d’institucions comunitàries o de les seues cases a jueus indefensos per sometre’ls a llargues hores d’humil·liacions i tortura als edificis públics on els rebels s’havien fet forts.

 

Almenys 120 jueus de Bucarest van ser assassinats en aquella orgia d’odi antisemita i destrucció. Alguns pels carrers de la ciutat. D’altres a un escorxador, on els assassins van penjar dels ganxos els cadàvers despullats dels jueus morts. La majoria de víctimes van tenir el seu final al bosc de Jilava, on els legionaris els havien transportat amb camions per executar-los d’un tret al cap.

 

Per encendre la flama de la memòria de les víctimes, un grup d’arquitectes, historiadors i estudiants del què forma part Astrid Rottman ha cartografiat el pogrom marcant al mapa les adreces on vivien els jueus assassinats en aquells tres dies de gener. El resultat és un plànol interactiu on els domicilis dels morts estan assenyalats amb globus. Si posem el cursor sobre els globus apareixen el nom, l’edat, un detall biogràfic de la víctima i fotografies de l’espai on va viure.

L’Holocaust és per a molta gent una història novel·lesca que ha inspirat bones pel·lícules. No ajuden a apropar-nos a la substància d’aquest crim monstruós l’inevitable acartronament de les commemoracions institucionals.

Aurel Rauch, per exemple, tenia 40 anys i era policia. El pogrom el va trobar allotjat a l’hotel Boulevard que encara existeix al centre de la capital romanesa. Amb ell es quedava a dormir allí el seu germà Iulius, de 57 anys. Iulius Rauch era comerciant i també va morir assassinat pels legionaris. Molt a prop d’on jo visc a Bucarest hi tenia el seu domicili Wilhelm Marcovici, un venedor ambulant de 46 anys. I enfront del banc de davant de la Biblioteca Nacional on em sente a prendre café molts matins tenia la casa Nathan (Noe) Rosenzweig, que es guanyava la vida fent de sastre i tenia 44 anys quan el van assassinar els salvatges.

 

Marcel Bank vivia a l’avinguda de Vasile Lascar, per on jo sempre camine quan vaig als barris del nord. Tenia 25 anys i era funcionari comercial, a més de fill d’un veterà romanès de la I Guerra Mundial en què el seu país va guanyar els territoris que Antonescu i la Guàrdia de Ferro van voler netejar de jueus. Més jove encara era Marcel Gervirtz, de 17 anys, tècnic de ràdio. Un altre Marcel, Blum, tenia 34 anys, tres menys dels què tinc jo ara. Si jo hagués viscut al Bucarest d’abans del pogrom ens hauríem creuat algun matí quan sortia de casa per anar a la seua feina de funcionari.

 

L’Holocaust és per a molta gent una història novel·lesca que ha inspirat bones pel·lícules. No ajuden a apropar-nos a la substància d’aquest crim monstruós l’inevitable acartronament de les commemoracions institucionals. L’estiu passat vaig assistir a Iasi, al norest de Romania, al 80 anniversari del pogrom que el 1941 va causar més de 13.000 morts a la ciutat.

 

Després d’una marató interminable de discursos d’ambaixadors i polítics, les autoritats locals van rendir homenatge als morts i als supervivents en un acte oficial ple de retòrica buida i enganyosa. Més que un acte d’introspecció, la commemoració semblava un Festival de l’Amistat entre els Pobles, amb els notables locals presumint d’hospitalitat davant dels convidats d’Israel i celebrant la tornada a una tradició autòctona de tolerància que es va agafar vacances aquells dies de principis dels anys quaranta.

 

Projectes com el de Rottman sobre el pogrom de Bucarest són fonamentals per no caure en aquestes trampes. Incrustant la memòria de les víctimes als carrers de les ciutats on van viure i seguim vivint nosaltres ens recorda que l’Holocaust no va ser un rampell de xovinisme contra un altre poble, sinó la matança més o menys ordenada, però sistemàtica i per ser jueus, de veïns, clients, tenders, companys a l’exèrcit i la feina i fins i tot amics. A mans de gent que compartia amb ells els espais amb els que avui els torna a vincular Rottman.

Sense un gra de sal #38 | Claudio

ElTribú

| 23 gen., 2022

Sense un gra de sal #38 | Claudio

23 gen., 2022 |

@clorgu

“Nobody gets vaccinated against their will. Even the obligation to vaccinate leads to the result that one ends up being vaccinated voluntarily.”, Karl Lauterbach, Ministre de Salut alemany.

 

 

“Many senior policemen put greater emphasis on maintaining ‘order’ than on upholding the law. In practice that meant failing to uphold the rights of individuals against the rule of the mob.”, Margaret Thatcher

 

The next Republican administration must act decisively to restore NATO’s original purpose, which in Lord Ismay’s aptly chosen words was: “to keep the Russians out, the Americans in, and the Germans down”.

 

 

“It is a remarkable fact that during the Second World War the effective resistance in Europe to both Nazism and communism turned out to be nationalist in motive. Neither freedom in the abstract nor “class war” nor “United Europe” nor “World Government” proved to be the rallying ideas of the undergrounds and the resistance movements. It was the idea of “France,” of “Poland,” of “Greece.” James Burham, The Struggle for the World

What Americans call “liberalism” is the ideology of Western suicide… liberalism has come to be the typical verbal systematization of the process of Western contraction and withdrawal; that liberalism motivates and justifies the contraction, and reconciles us to it.
SW

Al voltant de les elits: ells ja ho havien dit. James Burnham (I)

 

El 1941 Burnham va publicar The Managerial Revolution, que podem traduir per La Revolució Gerencial, que va tenir un gran efecte entre els “New York Intellectuals”. Orwell va apreciar molt aquest assaig, que el va influir en la redacció del seu 1984. Entre d’altres coses Burnham defensava que ‘totes les evidències mostren que la tirania del règim rus és la més extrema que hagi existit mai en la història humana, sense exceptuar el règim de Hitler’.
Gregorio Luri, El Neo-conservadurisme Americà

 

If the American intellectual Right has abandoned James Burnham and Robert Nisbet for William Bennett’s Book of Virtues, the intellectual Left has declined even more precipitously, moving from the structural and cultural analysis of C. Wright Mills, Christopher Lasch, and Eugene Genovese to rote invectives against gender and homophobic insensitivity.
P. Gottfried, After Liberalism

 

Having come to know something of the gigantic ideology of Bolshevism, I knew that I was not going to be able to settle for the pigmy ideologies of Liberalism, social democracy, refurbished laissez-faire or the inverted, cut-rate Bolshevism called “fascism.”… only by renouncing all ideology can we begin to see the world and man.
TMach

 

It should not be supposed that there was any systematically worked out ideology which can be considered the ideology of capitalism.
TMR

 

… nor, in general, is there any necessary connection between democracy and capitalism (…) There may be some grounds for believing that a regime of partial democracy was most natural for consolidated capitalist society.
TMR

 

What Americans call “liberalism” is the ideology of Western suicide … liberalism has come to be the typical verbal systematization of the process of Western contraction and withdrawal; that liberalism motivates and justifies the contraction, and reconciles us to it.
SW

 

Liberalism’s inaptitude for power bears directly on the crucial fact: that the primary issue before Western civilization today, and before its member nations, is survival.
SW

 

But what liberalism can and does do, what it is marvelously and specifically equipped to do, is to comfort us in our afflictions; and then, by a wondrous alchemy, to transmute the dark defeats, withdrawals and catastrophes into their bright opposites: into gains, victories, advances.
SW

 

It is characteristic of liberals to believe that there are solutions to social problems.
SW

 

Liberalism avoids the often rather grim duty of facing the flat truth, and recognizing that on most matters all views except one are simply false.
TSW

 

The more significant achievement of liberalism … is its ability to handle the problem of guilt for large numbers of persons without costing them undue personal inconvenience. This it does by elevating the problem to representational, symbolic and institutional levels.
SW

 

Politics, as defined by the categories of liberalism, is simply education generalized.
SW

 

Rational, deliberate, conscious belief does not, then, in general at any rate, determine what is going to happen to society; social man is not, as he has been defined for so many centuries, a primarily “rational animal.”When the reformers tell us that society can be improved by education, by increasing men’s knowledge, by projecting the correct program and then taking action to realize that program, they are wrong because men in society do not act that way.
TMach

 

The shift in the locus of sovereignty is only a symbol of the shift in basic social relations, the shift from the rule of the capitalists to the rule of the managers.
TMR

 

When we leave the premises of the factories, the American, there so seemingly mature and triumphant, appears as a gawky adolescent … the accomplished, confident technician of production is fused with a crude and hesitant semibarbarian.
TSW

 

Fascism-Nazism and Leninism-Stalinism (communism or Bolshevism) are types of early managerial ideologies which have been given organized expression and have already had great success. In this country, Technocracy and the much more important New Dealism are embryonic and less developed types of primitive, native-American managerial ideologies (…) What the capitalists sense, and are in the best position to sense, is that the final implications in all these ideologies are anticapitalist, destructive of the ideologies which are the psychological cement of capitalist society.
TMR

 

Society can be run, they think, in more or less the same way that they know they, when they are allowed, can run, efficiently and productively, a mass-production factory.
TMR

 

The workers stick fairly hardheadedly to their practical search for higher wages, better living conditions and increased security; they adopt, and adapt, just enough of liberalism to further their goals, and are not much interested in the remainder.
SW

 

If a state is running steel plants, this is a more influential activity than punishing murderers; and the institution directing the steel plants has more social weight than that which make laws about murderers.
TMR

 

For liberalism, the direct purpose of education cannot be to produce a “good citizen,” … for the logic of liberalism assures us that, given the right sort of education—that is, rational education—the pupil will necessarily become the good citizen; and, with the right sort of education universalized, the good citizens together will produce the good society.
SW

 

The ruled majority, changeable, weak, short-sighted, selfish, is not at all, for Machiavelli, the black to the rulers’ white. Indeed, for him, the ruler-type is even less constant, less loyal, and on many occasions less intelligent (…) Those who are capable of rule are above all those who want to rule.
TMach

 

An honest statement to the masses, which by the nature of the case of a politician cannot give, would have to say: you cannot rule yourselves; distrust all leaders, and above all those who tell you that they are merely expressing or representing your will; erect and cherish every possible safeguard against the unchecked exercise of power.
TMach

 

TMR: The Managerial Revolution, 1941

TMach: The Machiavellians, 1943

SW: The Struggle for the World, 1947

SW: Suicide of the West, 1964

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Fins aviat

31 gen., 2022 |

Benvolguts tribuneros,

 

Ara fa un any, el 4 de febrer del 2021, que vam començar a publicar El Tribú.

 

Durant aquest any, i gràcies al suport dels nostres mecenes i subscriptors, hem publicat centenars d’articles, entrevistes, tribunals, tribulacions i seccions com El Locutori i Sense un gra de sal.

 

Com vam explicar des del principi, El Tribú no compta amb més finançament que el dels seus mecenes, els seus subscriptors i el seu fundador i només ha pogut funcionar i créixer en la mesura en que ho ha fet el seu nombre de seguidors.

 

Ara que celebrem el nostre primer any, creiem que el diari necessita un replantejament i un nou impuls, tant des d’un punt de vista intel·lectual com empresarial. És per això hem considerat que el millor i més honest amb els lectors, i mentre seguim a la recerca de noves fonts de finançament i de noves col·laboracions que ens permetin publicar més i millor, és fer una pausa en les publicacions del diari i cancel·lar les subscripcions actives.

 

Esperem poder tornar el més aviat possible amb un projecte més sòlid i ambiciós.

 

Aprofitem l’ocasió per agrair a tots els nostres subscriptors, mecenes, col·laboradors i seguidors la seva confiança en el projecte i el seu suport durant tots aquests mesos. Esperem retrobar-vos a tots el més aviat possible amb un projecte digne de la vostra generositat.

 

Moltes gràcies a tots i fins aviat,

 

Ferran Caballero
Editor i fundador d’ElTribú.cat

 

Com sabeu, per qualsevol dubte o comentari ens podeu escriure al correu eltribu@eltribu.cat.

Sense un gra de sal #39 | Claudio

30 gen., 2022 |

@clorgu

Since the pandemic, in Airbnb’s words, the laptop class can now “go anywhere, and work anywhere,” and attain “a sense of freedom that people never had before.” For the Zoom classes, Covid was paradoxically liberating.

 

 

The conscious policy of degrowth as a means of forcibly reducing greenhouse gas emissions will require getting most people out of their cars, and forcing them to travel far less and to live in tiny apartments. Enforcement will be necessarily intrusive as well.

 

 

The older authorities had proscribed acts that threatened the stability of the community; the rest they left to discretion. Doctors, on the other hand, sought to shore up the psychic stabihty of the individual and therefore omitted nothing from their gaze.

The establishment of medical and industrial jurisdiction over marriage thus defeated its own purpose, to strengthen the last bastion of privacy. Christopher Lasch, Haven in a Heartless World.

 

Winston Churchill, 30 de novembre de 1874 – 24 de gener de 1965:

The death of Churchill reminds us of the limitations of our craft, and therewith of our duty. We have no higher duty, and no more pressing duty, than to remind ourselves and our students, of political greatness, human greatness, of the peaks of human excellence. Leo Strauss

“A minority of one is usually put in an asylum, not accorded political rights”,

James Burnham

Al voltant de les elits: ells ja ho havien dit. James Burnham (i II)

 

The real question is not whether the people who wipe their boots on you during the next fifty years are to be called managers, bureaucrats, or politicians; the question is whether capitalism, now obviously doomed, is to give way to oligarchy or to true democracy.
George Orwell, Second Thoughts on James Burnham

 

There is no one force, no group, and no class that is the preserver of liberty. Liberty is preserved by those who are against the existing chief power.
TMach

 

Liberty means above all the existence of a public opposition to the governing élite.
TMach

 

It is not a question of being democratic, but of being effective. If democracy cannot be made reasonably effective, it might as well quit now.
TSW

 

Machiavelli is as ethical a political writer as Dante … If he is wrong, he is wrong because of a false theory of politics, not because of a false idea of man.
TMach

 

What tends to happen, therefore, when liberals become influential or dominant in the conduct of a nation’s affairs, is that the government tries … to shy away as much as possible and as long as possible from the use of force.
SW

 

Fraud, rather than violence, has become the more usual road to success and privilege. Naturally, therefore, those who are more adept at fraud than at force take kindly to humanitarian ideals.
TMach

 

Only out of the continuing clash ofopposing groups can liberty flow.
TMach

 

Let us say only: “Western civilization has been contracting”; and speak of “the contraction of the West.”
SW

 

… the way in which to study a nation, to understand it, to predict what will happen to it, requires first of all and primarily an analysis of the ruling class … Even if theory were to decide that ultimately the movements of the masses are the cause of what happens in history, yet these movements attain historical significance only when they alter major institutions and result in shifts in the character and composition of the ruling class
TMach

 

Democratic theory is compelled to try to adapt itself to the fact of leadership. This it does through the subsidiary theory of “representation.”… The truth is that sovereignty … cannot be delegated … because to be sovereign means to make one’s own decisions.
TMach

 

Liberalism tends toward a plebiscitary interpretation of democracy.
SW

 

Once granted the principle of representation, Bonapartism can be regarded as the logical culmination of democracy … If Bonapartism, in fact rather than in theory, denies democracy, it does so by bringing democracy to completion.
TMach

 

The leap from the concept of the limited state to that of the Welfare State is a wide one. In affective terms, it means a reversal of emotive priorities (…) It turns out that Germanic metaphysics cannot be dispensed with after all: the contradictories, statism and anti-statism, fuse into the synthesis of popular, democratic government.
SW

 

“Freedom from want” is very nearly as meaningless, in terms of real politics, as “eternal salvation”
TMach

 

It is physically and logically impossible for any person or group to be free from everything, to be so would mean not to exist.
TMR

 

As Machiavelli pointed out in his History of Florence, the poor, enduring oppressive conditions, were always ready to answer the call for a fight for freedom; but the net result of each revolt was merely to establish a new tyranny.
TMR

 

What communism does is to carry the liberal principles to their logical and practical extreme.
SW

 

… in what is written about history, society, and politics. In these fields we are, perhaps understandably, more anxious for salvation than for knowledge.
TMR

 

There is something rather ludicrous in the spectacle of well-paid ministers telling their congregations all about the great revolution in which they live, or a 75-year-old bank president explaining world revolution to an after-dinner audience.
TMach

 

Nor is there anything to forbid democratic leaders, if their own belief differs from that of many or even a great majority, from trying to convince even the great majority that it is wrong. This the demagogue never attempts. The demagogue is cynical, contemptuous of the masses—contemptuous above all because they follow him; and he flatters “their prejudices to betray their interests.”
TSW

 

All strong and long-lived societies have cherished their “traditions,” even when, as is usually the case, these traditions have little relation to fact, and even after they can hardly be believed literally by educated men This, after all, was the crime for which Athens put Socrates to death. From the point of view of survival, she was probably right in doing so.
TMach

 

Americans do, most of them, have a contempt for ideas; but that very contempt gives them a certain immunity to mental capture by an integral ideology of the totalitarian kind.
TSW

 

The plain, platitudinous, common-sense opinion is very often the true opinion, stripped down to essentials.
SW

 

The liberals … are morally disarmed before those whom the liberal regards as less well off than himself.
SW

 

The work of secular education and reform undertaken to appease the liberal’s guilt at the same time expresses and even irritates it. This must be, for there is no end, no terminal point, of the work of secular education and reform.
SW

 

In short, the leaders, if they themselves are scientific, must lie.
TMach

 

In motivating the theory and practice of free speech, liberalism must either abandon its belief in the superior social utility of truth, or maintain that we cannot be sure we know the truth … Our original commitment to truth … becomes a commitment to the rational and scientific process itself … truth thus becomes in practice relative to the method of inquiry … political and social truth is what is voted by a democratic majority.
SW

 

We who belong to Western Civilization have our vision distorted by a parochial blindness. We assume the identity of mankind as a whole with ourselves.
TSW

 

The nineteenth-century liberals overlooked, and the twentieth-century
liberals decline to face, the fact that teaching everyone to read opens minds to propaganda and indoctrination at least as much as to truths.
SW

 

Nearly all liberals invoke the name of Freedom the way a drill sergeant
invokes his favorite obscenity … what is really being talked about has little to do with individual freedom, but is basically a question of advancing the interests of an economic, racial or religious group.
SW

 

Liberal theory is atomistic and quantitative, and in particular rejects “organic” conceptions of society … The idea that I, today, am organically part of a “white race” that was doing something—anything at all—to American or African Negroes or Indonesian brown men or Hindus or Bantu is total nonsense from the point of view of liberalism’s philosophical conceptions.
SW

 

In both Britain and the United States, liberals began in 1962 to develop the doctrine that words which are “inherently offensive,” as far-Right but not communist words seem to be, do not come under the free speech mantle.
SW

 

A minority of one is usually put in an asylum, not accorded political rights.
TMR

 

What is called “public opinion” is a set of changing ideas and feelings that are incompatible with each other.
TSW

 

Modern liberalism does not offer ordinary men compelling motives for personal suffering, sacrifice and death. There is no tragic dimension in its picture of the good life. … Except for mercenaries, saints and neurotics, no one is willing to sacrifice and die for progressive education, medicare, humanity in the abstract, the United Nations and a ten percent rise in Social Security payments.
SW

 

Those years of wars and revolutions, death camps and propaganda machines, the collapse of old orders and the wanderings of the peoples, belong most recognizably to the same age that is still “ours” in 1963.
TMach

 

There would have to be reasserted the pre-liberal conviction that Western civilization, thus Western man, is both different from and superior in quality to other civilizations and non-civilizations, from whatever source that difference and superiority are derived or acquired.
SW

 

When General Patton slowed up in his de-Nazification of the Third Army’s zone in Germany, he explained that after all the difference between Nazis and anti-Nazis was pretty much like that between Democrats and Republicans at home. He was relieved of his command; but his error was no greater than that of Roosevelt or Hull or Stettinius or Byrnes or Acheson or Wallace when, all over the world, they accepted without protest the inclusion of the communists among the “democratic parties” that should be permitted to function with full freedom in liberated or conquered nations, and when they welcomed communists into reconstituted governments.
TSW

 

 

TMR: The Managerial Revolution, 1941
TMach: The Machiavellians, 1943
SW: The Struggle for the World, 1947
SW: Suicide of the West, 1964

Russia: pizza, interessos i força | Marc Arza

27 gen., 2022 |

Marc Arza | @marcarza

Tim Marshall és un periodista britànic especialitzat en política internacional que l’any 2015 va publicar un llibre que l’actualitat obliga a rellegir. Prisoners of Geography, així es titulava, explica a través de 10 mapes com la geografia condiciona la política. Un dels més interessants i reveladors és el dedicat a Rússia. Un mapa físic d’Europa ajuda a entendre la crisi que avui viu Ucraïna millor que cap diari carregat d’informació recent.

 

El nord d’Europa és una gran plana que des de Bèlgica creix per ocupar tot l’est del continent. Una plana en forma de triangle que es va obrint des del vèrtex, entre Brussel·les i Amsterdam, a través d’Alemanya, Polònia i Ucraïna. Com un tall de pizza amb la crosta als Urals i Moscou al mig. A Polònia i fins a la frontera oest d’Ucraïna la franja de territori entre les muntanyes i el mar té uns centenars de kilòmetres, un exèrcit podria defensar-la, diuen els estrategs. Però la plana continua creixent i a la frontera entre Ucraïna i Rússia és ja tan àmplia que no serveix com a línia de defensa. El camí fins a Moscou és lliure.

Rússia viu des de fa segles amb l’angoixa de tenir una frontera europea impossible de defensar.

Marshall explica que Rússia viu des de fa segles amb l’angoixa de tenir una frontera europea impossible de defensar. L’angoixa no és cap paranoia. Des de la invasió napoleònica, comptant els conflictes amb Polònia, les guerres de Crimea i les dues guerres mundials, els russos han patit prou conflictes bèl·lics en terra europea per saber que l’angoixa té bases sòlides. Pel Kremlin, una Ucraïna aliada d’Occident i en complicitat amb l’OTAN és una amenaça intolerable. Fa trenta anys, només trenta anys, els soldats russos i els seus aliats ocupaven pràcticament tota la plana, la pizza. El Kremlin controlava Berlín, a mil vuit-cents kilòmetres de Moscou, però avui ni tan sols domina Kíev, a només a vuit-cents. Putin no vol recular més.

 

La darrera crisi ucraïnesa, l’any 2014, ja es va tancar seguint una profunda lògica geogràfica. Si la frontera terrestre és la primera angoixa russa, la sortida al mar seria la segona. El país més gran del planeta té molt mal resoltes les connexions amb els grans oceans. Gairebé tots els seus ports se situen en zones on la mar es glaça durant els mesos d’hivern o són petits i difícils. La base naval de Crimea és el punt des d’on l’armada russa surt al món, passant per l’embut del Bòsfor, i Russia no podia córrer el risc de perdre’n el control. Crimea era un casus belli, literalment.

 

Geografia i política. La mirada geopolítica a un conflicte com el que avui es cou a Ucraïna té la virtut de mostrar unes tensions polítiques de fons que funcionen com a constants des de fa segles. Els escrits sobre Rússia de Bismarck o Churchill són aquests dies tan vàlids i clars com l’editorial de qualsevol diari amb corresponsals sobre el terreny. Unes constants geogràfiques, demogràfiques, econòmiques i històriques que també són presents, però força menys evidents, en tensions polítiques més properes i nostrades. Prendre distància, històrica i geogràfica, és, de vegades, més fàcil en un conflicte llunyà, però convindria fer-ho per apamar millor el terreny de joc i veure venir jugades que ja han passat més d’un cop i més de cent. La història rima i la geografia hi posa bona part de la mètrica.

Cartografia d’un pogrom | Marcel Gascón Barberà

25 gen., 2022 |

Gener és un temps de records tristos per als jueus de Bucarest. Ara fa 81 anys, el 21 de gener del 1941, el moviment ultranacionalista i antisemita conegut com a Guàrdia de Ferro es va rebel·lar contra el dictador romanès aliat dels nazis Ion Antonescu. Després de tres mesos governant junts, la coalició entre Antonescu i els legionaris, com s’anomenava als militants de la Guàrdia de Ferro, havia fet aigües. Antonescu els estava fent fora del govern i els legionaris van voler arrebatar-li el poder amb un desplegament massiu dels seus mètodes habituals: l’assassinat i la violència.

 

Durant els tres dies que Antonescu va tardar a sofocar la revolta, aquesta banda de criminals polítics van atacar l’exèrcit, la policia i nombroses institucions públiques arreu del país. Però el preu més alt el van pagar els jueus de Bucarest. Mentre lluitaven per la seua supervivència política, els legionaris van aprofitar el caos per devastar i cremar sinagogues i comerços jueus. Comandos de camises verdes -el color de la Guàrdia de Ferro- treien d’institucions comunitàries o de les seues cases a jueus indefensos per sometre’ls a llargues hores d’humil·liacions i tortura als edificis públics on els rebels s’havien fet forts.

 

Almenys 120 jueus de Bucarest van ser assassinats en aquella orgia d’odi antisemita i destrucció. Alguns pels carrers de la ciutat. D’altres a un escorxador, on els assassins van penjar dels ganxos els cadàvers despullats dels jueus morts. La majoria de víctimes van tenir el seu final al bosc de Jilava, on els legionaris els havien transportat amb camions per executar-los d’un tret al cap.

 

Per encendre la flama de la memòria de les víctimes, un grup d’arquitectes, historiadors i estudiants del què forma part Astrid Rottman ha cartografiat el pogrom marcant al mapa les adreces on vivien els jueus assassinats en aquells tres dies de gener. El resultat és un plànol interactiu on els domicilis dels morts estan assenyalats amb globus. Si posem el cursor sobre els globus apareixen el nom, l’edat, un detall biogràfic de la víctima i fotografies de l’espai on va viure.

L’Holocaust és per a molta gent una història novel·lesca que ha inspirat bones pel·lícules. No ajuden a apropar-nos a la substància d’aquest crim monstruós l’inevitable acartronament de les commemoracions institucionals.

Aurel Rauch, per exemple, tenia 40 anys i era policia. El pogrom el va trobar allotjat a l’hotel Boulevard que encara existeix al centre de la capital romanesa. Amb ell es quedava a dormir allí el seu germà Iulius, de 57 anys. Iulius Rauch era comerciant i també va morir assassinat pels legionaris. Molt a prop d’on jo visc a Bucarest hi tenia el seu domicili Wilhelm Marcovici, un venedor ambulant de 46 anys. I enfront del banc de davant de la Biblioteca Nacional on em sente a prendre café molts matins tenia la casa Nathan (Noe) Rosenzweig, que es guanyava la vida fent de sastre i tenia 44 anys quan el van assassinar els salvatges.

 

Marcel Bank vivia a l’avinguda de Vasile Lascar, per on jo sempre camine quan vaig als barris del nord. Tenia 25 anys i era funcionari comercial, a més de fill d’un veterà romanès de la I Guerra Mundial en què el seu país va guanyar els territoris que Antonescu i la Guàrdia de Ferro van voler netejar de jueus. Més jove encara era Marcel Gervirtz, de 17 anys, tècnic de ràdio. Un altre Marcel, Blum, tenia 34 anys, tres menys dels què tinc jo ara. Si jo hagués viscut al Bucarest d’abans del pogrom ens hauríem creuat algun matí quan sortia de casa per anar a la seua feina de funcionari.

 

L’Holocaust és per a molta gent una història novel·lesca que ha inspirat bones pel·lícules. No ajuden a apropar-nos a la substància d’aquest crim monstruós l’inevitable acartronament de les commemoracions institucionals. L’estiu passat vaig assistir a Iasi, al norest de Romania, al 80 anniversari del pogrom que el 1941 va causar més de 13.000 morts a la ciutat.

 

Després d’una marató interminable de discursos d’ambaixadors i polítics, les autoritats locals van rendir homenatge als morts i als supervivents en un acte oficial ple de retòrica buida i enganyosa. Més que un acte d’introspecció, la commemoració semblava un Festival de l’Amistat entre els Pobles, amb els notables locals presumint d’hospitalitat davant dels convidats d’Israel i celebrant la tornada a una tradició autòctona de tolerància que es va agafar vacances aquells dies de principis dels anys quaranta.

 

Projectes com el de Rottman sobre el pogrom de Bucarest són fonamentals per no caure en aquestes trampes. Incrustant la memòria de les víctimes als carrers de les ciutats on van viure i seguim vivint nosaltres ens recorda que l’Holocaust no va ser un rampell de xovinisme contra un altre poble, sinó la matança més o menys ordenada, però sistemàtica i per ser jueus, de veïns, clients, tenders, companys a l’exèrcit i la feina i fins i tot amics. A mans de gent que compartia amb ells els espais amb els que avui els torna a vincular Rottman.

Sense un gra de sal #38 | Claudio

23 gen., 2022 |

@clorgu

“Nobody gets vaccinated against their will. Even the obligation to vaccinate leads to the result that one ends up being vaccinated voluntarily.”, Karl Lauterbach, Ministre de Salut alemany.

 

 

“Many senior policemen put greater emphasis on maintaining ‘order’ than on upholding the law. In practice that meant failing to uphold the rights of individuals against the rule of the mob.”, Margaret Thatcher

 

The next Republican administration must act decisively to restore NATO’s original purpose, which in Lord Ismay’s aptly chosen words was: “to keep the Russians out, the Americans in, and the Germans down”.

 

 

“It is a remarkable fact that during the Second World War the effective resistance in Europe to both Nazism and communism turned out to be nationalist in motive. Neither freedom in the abstract nor “class war” nor “United Europe” nor “World Government” proved to be the rallying ideas of the undergrounds and the resistance movements. It was the idea of “France,” of “Poland,” of “Greece.” James Burham, The Struggle for the World

What Americans call “liberalism” is the ideology of Western suicide… liberalism has come to be the typical verbal systematization of the process of Western contraction and withdrawal; that liberalism motivates and justifies the contraction, and reconciles us to it.
SW

Al voltant de les elits: ells ja ho havien dit. James Burnham (I)

 

El 1941 Burnham va publicar The Managerial Revolution, que podem traduir per La Revolució Gerencial, que va tenir un gran efecte entre els “New York Intellectuals”. Orwell va apreciar molt aquest assaig, que el va influir en la redacció del seu 1984. Entre d’altres coses Burnham defensava que ‘totes les evidències mostren que la tirania del règim rus és la més extrema que hagi existit mai en la història humana, sense exceptuar el règim de Hitler’.
Gregorio Luri, El Neo-conservadurisme Americà

 

If the American intellectual Right has abandoned James Burnham and Robert Nisbet for William Bennett’s Book of Virtues, the intellectual Left has declined even more precipitously, moving from the structural and cultural analysis of C. Wright Mills, Christopher Lasch, and Eugene Genovese to rote invectives against gender and homophobic insensitivity.
P. Gottfried, After Liberalism

 

Having come to know something of the gigantic ideology of Bolshevism, I knew that I was not going to be able to settle for the pigmy ideologies of Liberalism, social democracy, refurbished laissez-faire or the inverted, cut-rate Bolshevism called “fascism.”… only by renouncing all ideology can we begin to see the world and man.
TMach

 

It should not be supposed that there was any systematically worked out ideology which can be considered the ideology of capitalism.
TMR

 

… nor, in general, is there any necessary connection between democracy and capitalism (…) There may be some grounds for believing that a regime of partial democracy was most natural for consolidated capitalist society.
TMR

 

What Americans call “liberalism” is the ideology of Western suicide … liberalism has come to be the typical verbal systematization of the process of Western contraction and withdrawal; that liberalism motivates and justifies the contraction, and reconciles us to it.
SW

 

Liberalism’s inaptitude for power bears directly on the crucial fact: that the primary issue before Western civilization today, and before its member nations, is survival.
SW

 

But what liberalism can and does do, what it is marvelously and specifically equipped to do, is to comfort us in our afflictions; and then, by a wondrous alchemy, to transmute the dark defeats, withdrawals and catastrophes into their bright opposites: into gains, victories, advances.
SW

 

It is characteristic of liberals to believe that there are solutions to social problems.
SW

 

Liberalism avoids the often rather grim duty of facing the flat truth, and recognizing that on most matters all views except one are simply false.
TSW

 

The more significant achievement of liberalism … is its ability to handle the problem of guilt for large numbers of persons without costing them undue personal inconvenience. This it does by elevating the problem to representational, symbolic and institutional levels.
SW

 

Politics, as defined by the categories of liberalism, is simply education generalized.
SW

 

Rational, deliberate, conscious belief does not, then, in general at any rate, determine what is going to happen to society; social man is not, as he has been defined for so many centuries, a primarily “rational animal.”When the reformers tell us that society can be improved by education, by increasing men’s knowledge, by projecting the correct program and then taking action to realize that program, they are wrong because men in society do not act that way.
TMach

 

The shift in the locus of sovereignty is only a symbol of the shift in basic social relations, the shift from the rule of the capitalists to the rule of the managers.
TMR

 

When we leave the premises of the factories, the American, there so seemingly mature and triumphant, appears as a gawky adolescent … the accomplished, confident technician of production is fused with a crude and hesitant semibarbarian.
TSW

 

Fascism-Nazism and Leninism-Stalinism (communism or Bolshevism) are types of early managerial ideologies which have been given organized expression and have already had great success. In this country, Technocracy and the much more important New Dealism are embryonic and less developed types of primitive, native-American managerial ideologies (…) What the capitalists sense, and are in the best position to sense, is that the final implications in all these ideologies are anticapitalist, destructive of the ideologies which are the psychological cement of capitalist society.
TMR

 

Society can be run, they think, in more or less the same way that they know they, when they are allowed, can run, efficiently and productively, a mass-production factory.
TMR

 

The workers stick fairly hardheadedly to their practical search for higher wages, better living conditions and increased security; they adopt, and adapt, just enough of liberalism to further their goals, and are not much interested in the remainder.
SW

 

If a state is running steel plants, this is a more influential activity than punishing murderers; and the institution directing the steel plants has more social weight than that which make laws about murderers.
TMR

 

For liberalism, the direct purpose of education cannot be to produce a “good citizen,” … for the logic of liberalism assures us that, given the right sort of education—that is, rational education—the pupil will necessarily become the good citizen; and, with the right sort of education universalized, the good citizens together will produce the good society.
SW

 

The ruled majority, changeable, weak, short-sighted, selfish, is not at all, for Machiavelli, the black to the rulers’ white. Indeed, for him, the ruler-type is even less constant, less loyal, and on many occasions less intelligent (…) Those who are capable of rule are above all those who want to rule.
TMach

 

An honest statement to the masses, which by the nature of the case of a politician cannot give, would have to say: you cannot rule yourselves; distrust all leaders, and above all those who tell you that they are merely expressing or representing your will; erect and cherish every possible safeguard against the unchecked exercise of power.
TMach

 

TMR: The Managerial Revolution, 1941

TMach: The Machiavellians, 1943

SW: The Struggle for the World, 1947

SW: Suicide of the West, 1964